The Democrats’ overwhelming victory in the 2026 midterm elections might seem like a counterbalance to President Donald Trump’s animosity toward Ukraine, but a reinvigoration of U.S. support for Kyiv is not necessarily on the way.
Democratic candidates dominated election results on Tuesday night, signaling the president will now face a hostile legislature prepared to rein in his agenda domestically and abroad. It is expected that the incoming Congress will push back against Trump’s increasing preference for the Kremlin over Kyiv, but Ukrainians aren’t convinced that will translate into meaningful aid.
Ostap Yarysh — an adviser at the nonprofit advocacy group Razom for Ukraine — told the Washington Examiner that while “there is a chance that those Democrats and those chambers will be more supportive” of Ukraine, he is concerned the incoming lawmakers include “progressives and those on the left-side of the party” who are “not necessarily more supportive of Ukraine.”
A voter leaves the Ukrainian Cultural Center of Rochester, a polling site for the midterm elections, in Webster, N.Y., Tuesday, Nov. 3, 2026. (AP Photo/Lauren Petracca)
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A voter leaves the Ukrainian Cultural Center of Rochester, a polling site for the midterm elections, in Webster, N.Y., Tuesday, Nov. 3, 2026. (AP Photo/Lauren Petracca)
“They can support Ukraine but say they prefer negotiations or diplomacy over our military support,” he said.
Yarysh explained that he is most concerned about the evaporation of the long-standing pro-Ukraine coalition in Congress as multiple Kyiv-friendly lawmakers have been ousted or chosen to step down.
Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA), co-chair of the House Ukraine Caucus, lost his reelection bid in the Tuesday midterm election. Rep. Don Bacon (R-NE), who has been a vocal critic inside the GOP against cooperating with the Kremlin, stepped down.
Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-MA), Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), and Sen. Dick Durbin (D-IL) — all stalwart Ukraine allies in the Democratic Party — have all now retired.
“Ukraine can have a broader support in both chambers, but there will be less heavy lifters and those who could drive the changes, build coalitions, draft legislation,” Yarysh told the Washington Examiner. “The nucleus of Ukraine support — the leaders, the champions — we will see fewer of them in the next Congress, and that’s actually what bothers me a lot.”
Even if the incoming class of Democratic lawmakers wanted to throw their full weight behind Kyiv, Trump is perfectly capable of jamming up their legislation.
Almut Möller, director of European and Global Affairs at the European Policy Center, warned in a post-election report that the “new political constellation in Washington D.C. may prove to be difficult for Europeans to navigate in their support for Ukraine in the months ahead.
“Congress has generally given bipartisan support to Ukraine in the past, and with clear majorities in both houses, Democrats aiming to make a mark are likely to back new legislation on aid to Kyiv and sanctions against Russia,” Möller acknowledged, but warned that “Europeans might well be caught in predictable adversarial power plays between Congress and the White House.”
Control of the House and Senate might allow Democrats to push for more material aid to Ukraine and draft sanctions on Russia, but the presidential veto looms ominously amid the threat of domestic politicking.
“A wounded president is likely to lash out at home and use his power in foreign policy abroad,” Möller said. “Not only does Trump have the power to veto Congressional legislation, he will also aim to build the personal legacy he will be denied at home more aggressively via perceived ‘achievement’ abroad. The obsession with being seen as the leader who ends wars makes it more likely that Trump will increasingly appease the Russian aggressor.”
NORWAY AND FINLAND BREAK NORMS BY PHONING PUTIN DIRECTLY TO URGE BREAKTHROUGHS AT TRILATERAL TALKS
Ukrainian assurance of U.S. support hit a new low last month after Starshield satellite systems provided by the U.S. government were unexpectedly restricted for several days.
SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, whose company Starlink produces the systems, said only officials within the Department of War or White House could flip off service to Ukraine. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, conversely, blamed the fiasco on Starlink.
The War Department Office of Inspector General has declined a bipartisan group of senators’ request to investigate the nature of the temporary outage.
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[ H/T Washington Examiner ]
