“As usual, I must publicly defend the President’s position, but I work behind the scenes.”
That is what Anthony Fauci wrote in his private diary in July 2002. The president he was quietly working around was George W. Bush. Eighteen years later, America would watch Fauci stand at a podium beside President Donald Trump and nod along. What America never saw, until his own diary came out, was Fauci working “as usual” and “behind the scenes” to undermine Trump—and cover his own tracks.
I expose that treachery in my new book, “Why Fauci MUST Rot in Prison.” And here is what still has not been told. What Fauci did to this country in 2020 was not improvisation. He had run the entire play eight years earlier, on a different virus, and he wrote down every move of that dress rehearsal.
In December 2011, Fauci records that the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, which he led, paid two laboratories—Ron Fouchier’s in the Netherlands and Yoshihiro Kawaoka’s in Wisconsin—to take H5N1 bird flu, in his words “highly lethal (60%), but poorly transmissible,” and make it “become transmissible and maintain lethality in a mammal model (ferret).”
Read that twice. That flu killed roughly six of every 10 people known to have caught it. The one thing holding it back was that it did not spread. Fauci wanted to find out if that could change. No president ever went to the American people and asked permission to make bird flu transmit more effectively. No voter ever approved it. But one unelected man thought it was a good idea.
Eight years later, his institute’s money was running through a New York outfit called EcoHealth Alliance into the Wuhan Institute of Virology—gain-of-function coronavirus work, building chimeric viruses in humanized mice, reportedly alongside scientists associated with the People’s Liberation Army.
Then the unfavorable news got out. In 2012, the bird flu/ferret data began drawing attention, and the story went around the world. In 2020 it was worse. On Jan. 31, some of the best virologists alive got Fauci on the phone and told him the new virus looked engineered—that the spike protein mutations at the furin cleavage site, in the words of Fauci’s diary, “could not have occurred naturally.”
It seems Fauci’s worry in January 2012 was not that his laboratories might have built an airborne killer. It was, in his own hand, that “outside (non-scientific) influences would force us to set a bad precedent and stop funding these flu projects.”
Then he made the problem disappear without ever giving an order. In 2012 he “took the bull by the horns,” telephoned Fouchier at home in Rotterdam at half past ten at night, and told him that if he would not pause the work voluntarily, “forces beyond our control” would defund him. By morning Fouchier had folded. Then Fauci and NIH Director Francis Collins called the editors of Science and Nature and “convinced them to delay the publication.” Then the two issued a joint NIH statement “applauding their decision”—applauding a decision Fauci had conceived, extracted, and pre-arranged.
The world called that science policing itself. It was the funder Fauci putting out a fire by telephone that would have consumed him.
Virologists across America long knew whose signature was on much of their funding—and Fauci’s own diary makes this clear.
In 2012, a member of the federal biosecurity board told an editor at Nature he was “nervous about voting against publication” because he feared Fauci would cut off his grants. A Nobel laureate tattled into a public microphone that many virologists were worried for their funding if they voiced their disagreements with Fauci. Fauci’s diary entry on the tattletale: “I blew him out of the water.”
Eight years later, Fauci would write exactly the same thing about three eminent scientists from Harvard, Stanford, and Oxford who challenged COVID-19 lockdowns: “I blew away the Great Barrington Declaration.”
Meanwhile, Fauci and others “prompted”—the paper’s own lead author’s word—the scientists who had just told him privately that the virus looked engineered to write a “Proximal Origin” paper claiming the virus came from nature. Meanwhile, the lead author was awaiting approval for $8.9 million from NIAID.
In February 2020, Peter Daszak—whose EcoHealth Alliance had routed Fauci’s money into Wuhan—organized a letter in The Lancet condemning the laboratory theory as a “conspiracy theory,” and declared that he had no competing interests.
Fauci then stood at a White House podium and held up Proximal Origin as proof. He never mentioned that he had “prompted” it or that his institute helped fund people who wrote it.
This July, Fauci answered the United States Senate 111 times by pleading the Fifth. He does not have to answer now. He already did, in his own hand, in his diary. The dress rehearsal is in it. So is the play—a Faucian tragedy in a hundred different acts.
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[ H/T The Daily Signal ]
